Why East Africa’s Digital Finance Revolution Hasn’t Replicated Elsewhere
By Twin Philemon, Friday 6th February 2026 11:00 hrs EAT.
For us,
mobile money is not just
a “fintech solution” or an “alternative payment method”; it is simply
how money moves. A market vendor sends school fees and upkeep(read pocket money) to her daughter
upcountry. A taxi driver pays for
fuel using his phone. Friends settle a lunch bill with a few taps before
standing up from the table. Rent, salaries, groceries, transport, utilities all pass through a mobile wallet without ceremony. Cash exists, banks exist,
but mobile money is the connective tissue of daily commerce in this part of Africa.
What mattered most was not innovation, but reach. Telecoms
already had national distribution, trusted brands, and an agent footprint that
extended into places banks had never seriously served. Mobile money did not ask
people to change their behavior; it formalized what they were already doing let it be sending money home, pooling funds or paying small traders making it safer and
faster.
Regulation, often overlooked, played a decisive role. In East Africa, regulators allowed mobile money to grow before fully defining it. This sequencing was critical. Instead of forcing new services into old banking frameworks, authorities observed usage, identified risks, and gradually tightened oversight. In Uganda today, mobile money sits under the same central bank supervision as banks, but it was not born there. That flexibility created room for adoption before formality.
East Africa’s mobile money landscape is one of extraordinary
saturation, with over 1,100 registered accounts for every 1,000 adults, a clear
indicator of people holding multiple accounts (Ziteke ku MTN, Ku Airtel bambajja). To outsiders, many assume mobile money
succeeded here because of superior technology, clever telecoms, or aggressive
marketing. The truth is less flattering and more instructive: mobile money
succeeded because it filled a vacuum that banks did not, could not, or would not
fill at the time. For instance
unsecured loans were rare, but today Wewole and Mokash provide quick
cash via mobile money.
Looking beyond Africa makes the contrast clearer. In much of Asia, mobile money thrives but it looks nothing like East Africa’s model. In China and India, digital wallets are app-based, tightly integrated with banks, e-commerce platforms, and social networks. Payments are driven by QR codes, instant bank rails, and super-app ecosystems. Here, mobile money does not replace banks; it digitizes them. East Africa built mobile money in the absence of banks. Asia built it on top of them.
This difference in origin shapes economic impact. In East
Africa, mobile money has lowered transaction costs, increased economic
visibility, and pulled millions into formal financial systems without forcing
them into traditional banking. Small businesses operate with greater liquidity.
Households move money more efficiently. Governments gain clearer insight into
flows that once moved entirely in cash.
But dependence on telecom-led financial infrastructure also
raises new questions. Market concentration, pricing power, consumer protection,
and systemic risk are now live policy issues. As mobile money becomes
infrastructure, it must be governed like infrastructure.
That transition is already underway. In Uganda, tighter
central bank oversight signal a maturing sector. Mobile money is no longer an
alternative to the financial system; it is part of it.
The question is no longer whether mobile money works, but
how responsibly and competitively it can scale.
Ultimately, mobile money did not take off in East Africa
because East Africa was unusually innovative. It took off because the region
needed it more, sooner, and allowed it to grow before fully defining it. Other
regions followed different paths, shaped by different financial histories.
From Uganda, mobile money feels inevitable. From elsewhere,
it may still feel optional. That difference explains almost everything.





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